Hamas

Islamic Resistance Movement
حركة المقاومة الإسلامية
Chairman of the Political BureauIsmail Haniyeh
Deputy ChairmanSaleh al-Arouri X
Leader in the Gaza StripYahya Sinwar
Military commanderMohammed Deif
Deputy military commanderMarwan Issa X
Founder
... and others
FoundedDecember 10, 1987 (1987-12-10)
Split fromMuslim Brotherhood
HeadquartersGaza City, Gaza Strip
Military wingIzz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades
Membership20,000–25,000[8]
Ideology
ReligionSunni Islam
Political allianceAlliance of Palestinian Forces
Colours  Green
Palestinian Legislative Council
74 / 132
Party flag
Hamas
Dates of operation1987–present
HeadquartersGaza City, Gaza Strip
Size40,000[18]
AlliesState allies:

Non-state allies:

OpponentsState opponents:

Non-state opponents:

Battles and wars
Designated as a terrorist group by

Hamas,[d] an acronym of its official name, Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiya (Arabic: حركة المقاومة الإسلامية, romanizedḤarakat al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah, lit.'Islamic Resistance Movement'),[52] is a Palestinian Sunni Islamist[53] political and military movement governing parts of the Israeli-occupied Gaza Strip.[54]

Hamas was founded by Palestinian imam and activist Ahmed Yassin in 1987, after the outbreak of the First Intifada against the Israeli occupation. It emerged from his 1973 Mujama al-Islamiya Islamic charity affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood.[55] In 2006, Hamas won the Palestinian legislative election by campaigning on clean government without corruption, combined with affirmation of Palestinians’ right to armed struggle against the Israeli occupation, thus winning a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council.[56] In 2007, Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip from rival Palestinian faction Fatah,[57][58] which it has governed since separately from the Palestinian National Authority. This was followed by an Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip with Egyptian support, and multiple wars with Israel, including in 2008–09, 2012, 2014, and 2021. The ongoing 2023 war began after Hamas launched an attack, killing both civilians and soldiers, and taking hostages back to Gaza.[59][60][61] The attack has been described as the biggest military setback for Israel since the 1973 Arab–Israeli War, which Israel has responded to in an ongoing ground invasion of Gaza.[62]

Hamas promotes Palestinian nationalism in an Islamic context.[63] In its 1988 charter, Hamas articulated its objective to establish an Islamic Palestinian state throughout the entire territory of Mandatory Palestine. Subsequently Hamas began acquiescing to 1967 borders in the agreements it signed with Fatah in 2005, 2006 and 2007[64][65][66] In 2017, Hamas released a new charter that supported a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders without recognizing Israel.[67][68][69][70][71] Hamas's repeated offers of a truce (for a period of 10–100 years[72]) based on the 1967 borders are seen by some scholars as consistent with a two-state solution.[73][74][75][76] Other scholars say truce does not imply a permanent peace with or recognition of Israel and that Hamas retains the long-term objective of establishing one state in former Mandatory Palestine.[77][78] The 1988 Hamas charter was widely described as antisemitic.[79][80][81] The revised 2017 Hamas Charter stated that Hamas's struggle was with Zionists, not Jews.[82][83][84]

Hamas has carried out attacks against Israeli soldiers and civilians, including suicide bombings and indiscriminate rocket attacks.[85] These actions have led human rights groups to accuse it of war crimes. Argentina, Australia, Canada, Israel, Japan, Paraguay, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, the United States and the European Union[44] have designated Hamas as a terrorist organization. In 2018, a motion at the United Nations to condemn Hamas was rejected.[e][87][88]

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  13. ^ Litvak 2004, pp. 156–57.
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  55. ^ Cite error: The named reference :0 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
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  65. ^ *Baconi 2018, pp. 114–116: "[“Prisoners’ Document”] enshrined many issues that had already been settled, including statehood on the 1967 borders; UN Resolution 194 for the right of return; and the right to resist within the occupied territories...This agreement was in essence a key text that offered a platform for unity between Hamas and Fatah within internationally defined principles animating the Palestinian struggle."
    * Roy 2013, p. 210 "Khaled Meshal, as chief of Hamas's Political Bureau in Damascus, as well as Hamas prime minister Ismail Haniyeh similarly confirmed the organization's willingness to accept the June 4, 1967, borders and a two-state solution should Israel withdraw from the occupied territories, a reality reaffirmed in the 2006 Palestinian Prisoners' Document, in which most major Palestinian factions had reached a consensus on a two-state solution, that is, a Palestinian state within 1967 borders including East Jerusalem and the refugee right of return."
  66. ^ Baconi 2018, pp. 82: "The Cairo Declaration formalized what Hamas’s military disposition throughout the Second Intifada had alluded to: that the movement’s immediate political goals were informed by the desire to create a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders."
  67. ^ Sources that judge Hamas' 2017 charter to have accepted the 1967 borders
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  72. ^ Cite error: The named reference atran was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  73. ^ Halim Rane (2009). Reconstructing Jihad Amid Competing International Norms. p. 34. Asher Susser, director of the Dayan Centre at Tel Aviv University, conveyed to me in an interview that "Hamas' 'hudna' is not significantly different from Sharon's 'long-term interim agreement." Similarly, Daniel Levy, a senior Israeli official for the Geneva Initiative (GI), informed me that certain Hamas officials find the GI acceptable, but due to the concerns about their Islamically oriented constituency and their own Islamic identity, they would "have to express the final result in terms of a "hudna," or "indefinite" ceasefire," rather than a formal peace agreement."
  74. ^ Baconi 2018, p. 108Hamas’s finance minister in Gaza stated that “a long-term ceasefire as understood by Hamas and a two-state settlement are the same. It’s just a question of vocabulary.”
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  88. ^ Dupret, Baudouin; Lynch, Michael; Berard, Tim (2015). Law at Work: Studies in Legal Ethnomethods. Oxford University Press. p. 279. ISBN 9780190210243. [It has been alleged that] Hamas cynically abuses its own civilian population and their suffering for propaganda purposes.


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